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‘Sanctions Paradox’ Creator On Russia-Ukraine Conflict
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‘Sanctions Paradox’ Creator On Russia-Ukraine Conflict

Scoopico
Last updated: September 10, 2025 7:03 am
Scoopico
Published: September 10, 2025
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Contents
Learn ExtraWhat the Subsequent Spherical of Sanctions Towards Russia Ought to Look LikeWhy Oil Sanctions No Longer WorkEurope Is Doing What Trump Gained’t on Sanctioning Russia

It has been greater than 40 months since Russia invaded Ukraine, which implies that it has been greater than 40 months of financial sanctions being imposed on Russia. The actual fact that Russia launched its full-scale invasion of Ukraine revealed how the specter of sanctions failed as an instrument of deterrence—and Russia’s unceasing prosecution of the warfare since February 2022 is highly effective proof that they’ve failed as an instrument of coercion.

The query is, the place will we go from right here? This is dependent upon who you ask. The Trump administration’s place on this topic has been erratic. U.S. President Donald Trump has periodically threatened to additional ratchet up sanctions towards Russia, solely to again down each time. He not too long ago imposed extraordinarily excessive tariffs on India as a result of that nation has purchased Russian oil—but he did not impose comparable measures towards China, which imports much more Russian oil.

It has been greater than 40 months since Russia invaded Ukraine, which implies that it has been greater than 40 months of financial sanctions being imposed on Russia. The actual fact that Russia launched its full-scale invasion of Ukraine revealed how the specter of sanctions failed as an instrument of deterrence—and Russia’s unceasing prosecution of the warfare since February 2022 is highly effective proof that they’ve failed as an instrument of coercion.

The query is, the place will we go from right here? This is dependent upon who you ask. The Trump administration’s place on this topic has been erratic. U.S. President Donald Trump has periodically threatened to additional ratchet up sanctions towards Russia, solely to again down each time. He not too long ago imposed extraordinarily excessive tariffs on India as a result of that nation has purchased Russian oil—but he did not impose comparable measures towards China, which imports much more Russian oil.

U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio, who was a Russia sanctions advocate whereas serving within the Senate, sounds extra skeptical now. On Meet the Press final month, he stated, “I don’t assume new sanctions on Russia are going to power him [Russian President Vladimir Putin] to simply accept the cease-fire. They’re already below very extreme sanctions. … There is no such thing as a proof that extra sanctions [will work], as a result of sanctions take months and typically years to chew, and we could very nicely wind up in that place.”

Alternatively, sanctions proponents argue that if the present efforts at financial coercion have failed, then the reply is to attempt, attempt once more. On Sept. 7, the director of the White Home Nationwide Financial Council, Kevin Hassett, stated he anticipated “quite a lot of discuss” about sanctions this week. And Senate Republicans have been working on a invoice that might attempt to impose much more extreme secondary sanctions on these nations nonetheless importing Russian vitality. By maximizing the financial ache, this logic runs, Russia will take peace negotiations extra severely.

Will any of this actually work? Full disclosure: I answered “no” to this question greater than a quarter-century in the past. The query is whether or not something has modified since then to make me take into consideration this case in a different way.


In 1999, I printed The Sanctions Paradox: Financial Statecraft and Worldwide Relations. The e book addressed the central puzzle of financial sanctions, which is that this: Why are they imposed so continuously once they appear to work so poorly as an instrument of coercion?

My argument was easy: Expectations of future battle assist to clarify why sanctions are so continuously imposed and why they not often appear to yield concessions. The extra battle that the sanctioner (additionally known as the sender) and the goal anticipate, the extra keen the sender is to impose sanctions. Anticipating frequent conflicts sooner or later incentivizes the sender to undertake a more durable bargaining place within the current. Any concessions made now can enhance their coercive benefit in future conflicts.

The paradox, nevertheless, is that these similar dynamics incentivize the goal to face agency when battle expectations are excessive. Targets anticipating future battle with the sender know that any concessions they make within the current erode their future bargaining place. Materials concessions weaken the goal authorities’s skill to withstand future coercion makes an attempt. Moreover, their popularity for conceding will solely encourage the sender to attempt once more the following time {that a} battle arises. The true sanctions paradox is that the sender is often most wanting to make use of sanctions within the conditions when concessions are least probably.

How nicely does this argument clarify the sanctions towards Russia? Whereas I’ve a rooting curiosity on this speculation, I feel most analysts would acknowledge that it has held up fairly nicely. The U.S.-led monetary and commerce sanctions towards Russia contributed to unfavourable financial progress, spiking rates of interest, and better inflation. Nonetheless, the second that Russia determined to launch its full-scale invasion, what had been a difficult state of affairs for financial sanctions turned subsequent to unattainable.

This was significantly true given the stakes for Russia in its invasion of Ukraine. Territorial calls for are the largest ask in world politics. Moreover, because the warfare has progressed, Russia has expended huge quantities of blood and treasure to accumulate the Ukrainian territory that it has tried to annex.

When confronted with such giant calls for, even the weakest and poorest goal governments have the capability to withstand financial strain. Up to now half-decade, U.S.-led sanctions crippled each the Iranian and Venezuelan economies, producing appreciable home unrest in each nations. Nonetheless, neither goal regime responded with considerable concessions. And Russia is a a lot stronger, extra highly effective actor than both Iran or Venezuela.

Learn Extra



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The Sanctions Paradox was printed in 1999, and it’s removed from the ultimate phrase on the topic. Does something within the subsequent literature supply any extra optimism of profitable financial coercion towards Russia? Not likely. To make certain, different students have recognized further elements that might enhance the chances of profitable coercion. Sanctions that goal elites greater than the overall inhabitants ought to enhance the chances of acquiescence. Institutionalized multilateral cooperation enhances the chance of success as nicely. And as banal because it sounds, articulating clear calls for can reassure the goal that when it acquiesces, the sender can credibly decide to lifting the sanctions.

The factor is, none of those different elements work terribly nicely for the Russia case. Whereas the seizure of yachts would possibly sting Russian oligarchs, their habits over the previous decade reveals that they concern Putin way over the freezing of their Western belongings. Although there was some worldwide cooperation in sanctioning Russia, its results are restricted. The worldwide south is usually sitting this one out, and my analysis means that targets understand advert hoc coalitions such because the one sanctioning Russia as fragile. This incentivizes Putin to carry out within the hopes that the coalition fractures—and let’s be trustworthy, given Trump’s gyrations on this situation, these expectations are well-founded.

Maybe the obvious downside with the sanctions regime, nevertheless, is that the connected calls for stay each obscure and impressive. This has been an issue for the reason that begin of the 2022 invasion. In essence, the West has demanded that Russia surrender all of its territorial ambitions on Ukraine. The issue is not only that Russia is reluctant to do that; at this level, it legally can’t do it. Despite the fact that it’s a violation of worldwide legislation, Russia formally annexed 4 Ukrainian oblasts throughout the first 12 months of the warfare. As a way to acquiesce to Western calls for, Russia must surrender its annexation—an unlikely consequence.

So, does this imply that financial sanctions on Russia have reached a useless finish? Would the West be higher off admitting defeat? Is that the easiest way to resolve the sanctions paradox?

Nicely, no—as a result of financial sanctions should not merely an instrument of coercion. They serve different functions as nicely, and that holds with specific power on this occasion.


There are two causes to keep up and even ratchet up the sanctions towards Russia. The primary motive has to do with reinforcing the territorial sovereignty norm.

One of many few enduring norms from the top of the Second World Conflict onward is the precept that sovereign territory can’t be seized by using power. That is mainly what Russia is making an attempt to do in Ukraine. Even when Russia maintains de facto management over components of Ukraine, de jure recognition issues. The symbolism of punishing financial sanctions sends a message to different revisionist actors in world politics that making an attempt to redraw sovereign borders by using power exacts a heavy toll.

The opposite motive is that financial sanctions can weaken a rustic’s skill to prosecute a long-term warfare. Mariya Grinberg’s latest e book Commerce in Conflict reveals that financial sanctions originally of hostilities are sometimes modest—restricted to an arms embargo, for instance—as a result of the sender believes that the warfare will probably be brief. As soon as senders notice that the battle will probably be protracted, nevertheless, they are going to be keen to widen the embargo. Twin-use applied sciences that could possibly be employed in fight get restricted—and the senders will probably be keen to incur extra prices to tip the scales on the battlefield.

Within the case of Russia, this implies increasing the oil embargo to restrict its skill to import strategic items. Harsher sanctions—mixed with enhancing Ukraine’s skill to prosecute the warfare—would actual an unlimited toll on Russia’s skill to struggle.

The soiled little secret about political science is that almost all theories shouldn’t have a protracted half-life. The world retains altering, and political science wants to alter with it. I’m happy to see that The Sanctions Paradox stays a related mannequin to research financial statecraft. It’s removed from the one mannequin, nevertheless. In occupied with the Russia case, my principle accurately predicts that sanctions is not going to result in profitable coercion. That doesn’t imply that the sanctions is not going to work in different methods.

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