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Temporary historical past of U.S. interventions in Latin America, Caribbean : NPR
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Temporary historical past of U.S. interventions in Latin America, Caribbean : NPR

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Last updated: January 3, 2026 2:23 am
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Published: January 3, 2026
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Contents
The overthrow of Guatemala’s authoritiesThe Bay of Pigs invasionThe U.S. invasion of GrenadaU.S. assist for the Nicaraguan ContrasThe U.S. invasion of Panama

An April 1961 file photograph reveals a bunch of CIA-backed Cuban counterrevolutionaries after their seize within the Bay of Pigs, Cuba.

Miguel Vinas/AFP by way of Getty Pictures


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Miguel Vinas/AFP by way of Getty Pictures

President Trump’s stress marketing campaign in opposition to Venezuelan chief Nicolás Maduro is the most recent chapter in a protracted historical past of U.S. intervention within the Caribbean basin, rooted within the 1823 Monroe Doctrine however totally realized within the twentieth century — ostensibly to guard U.S. pursuits and counter communism.

Trump's Venezuela Moves Follow Long History Of Intervention In Latin America

In latest months, U.S. strikes on boats that the White Home says had been transporting Venezuelan medicine, the seizure of Venezuelan oil tankers, and most not too long ago, a CIA strike on a Venezuelan dock mirror a “Huge Stick” method to regional coverage that dates again greater than a century to President Theodore Roosevelt. In it, Roosevelt constructed on the Monroe Doctrine, which was formulated initially by President James Monroe to warn European powers away from interfering within the area.

Roosevelt, who himself fought in opposition to Spain in Cuba in 1898, expanded that doctrine to claim a U.S. proper to behave unilaterally as a regional policeman — utilizing navy pressure to bolster diplomatic stress to advance its pursuits.

Following World Conflict II, and particularly for the reason that Cuban Revolution that introduced Fidel Castro to energy in Havana, that focus shifted primarily to stopping what Washington stated was the potential unfold of communism within the area.

“Throughout the Chilly Conflict, intervention was principally covert. Within the Eighties, you start to see extra overt actions,” says Eduardo Gamarra, a professor of politics and worldwide relations at Florida Worldwide College.

U.S. coverage within the area was one among strategic denial, Gamarra says. That meant deterring non-American actors within the area.

“Within the 1800s, that meant Europeans; within the twentieth century, particularly after World Conflict II, it meant the Soviet Union,” he says.

The U.S. is interested in Venezuelan oil, but that's not all

This led to a shared post-World Conflict II notion between the U.S. and plenty of right-wing governments in Latin America that communism “was not indigenous to the Americas,” says Edward Murphy, a professor of historical past at Michigan State College. “They justified this by means of the logic of the Monroe Doctrine, as a result of this was a international ideology that wanted to be extirpated from the Americas.”

By the mid-Eighties, the U.S. “transitioned from the Chilly Conflict to the drug struggle” within the area, based on Gamarra.

U.S. coverage, underpinned by the Monroe Doctrine, has formed the area within the a long time since World Conflict II, resulting in overt and covert interventions which have typically — however not at all times — resulted in dangerous outcomes and unintended penalties.

Listed below are 5 examples:

The overthrow of Guatemala’s authorities

By 1954, President Dwight D. Eisenhower was involved a few Guatemalan land-reform program that nationalized property owned by the U.S.-based United Fruit Firm (now Chiquita Manufacturers Worldwide). The initiative was carried out beneath Guatemalan President Jacobo Árbenz, the nation’s second democratically elected chief, whose time period started in 1951. Secretary of State John Foster Dulles accused Árbenz of creating what he described as a “communist-type reign of terror.”

Indigenous women beg in Guatemala in June 2004 in front of a propaganda mural that speaks against U.S. interventions in the region.

Indigenous ladies beg in Guatemala in June 2004 in entrance of a propaganda mural that speaks in opposition to U.S. interventions within the area.

Orlando Sierra/AFP by way of Getty Pictures


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Orlando Sierra/AFP by way of Getty Pictures

The U.S., Gamarra says, “responded by undermining Árbenz and supporting a navy coup.”

The CIA launched a profitable covert plan of psychological warfare designed to destabilize the Árbenz authorities whereas backing a coup to topple it. Coup chief Carlos Castillo Armas, who got here to energy after Árbenz, was the primary in a sequence of brutal U.S.-backed authoritarians to rule Guatemala earlier than civilian rule returned within the mid-Eighties.

Mario Vargas Llosa explores 1954 Guatemalan coup in new novel

The U.S. overthrow of Árbenz emboldened right-wing components within the nation to have interaction in a marketing campaign of repression, Murphy says. “What the overthrow of Árbenz actually did was fortify intolerant forces in Guatemala.”

Murphy says what occurred in Guatemala turned a mannequin for different repressive right-wing governments within the area, similar to Chile, to observe.

The Bay of Pigs invasion

Fidel Castro's soldiers at Playa de Giron, Cuba, after thwarting the ill-fated U.S.-backed Bay of Pigs invasion in 1961.

Fidel Castro’s troopers at Playa de Giron, Cuba, after thwarting the ill-fated U.S.-backed Bay of Pigs invasion in 1961.

Graf/Getty Pictures/Hulton Archive


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Graf/Getty Pictures/Hulton Archive

Shortly after taking workplace in 1961, President John F. Kennedy authorized a covert plan to overthrow Cuban chief Fidel Castro, who had grown more and more aligned with the Soviet Union since seizing energy two years earlier. The key operation, initially developed beneath the Eisenhower administration, relied on a pressure of about 1,400 CIA-trained Cuban exiles who had been anticipated to grab the Bay of Pigs on Cuba’s southern coast and spark a well-liked rebellion in opposition to Castro.

50 Years Later: Learning From The Bay Of  Pigs

As a substitute, the Bay of Pigs invasion resulted in catastrophe. Castro ordered some 20,000 troops to the seashore, forcing a lot of the U.S.-backed invasion pressure to give up. Greater than 100 had been killed. The incident turned a significant embarrassment for the USA.

The Bay of Pigs satisfied Castro and Soviet chief Nikita Khrushchev that the USA would try one other invasion of Cuba. Castro satisfied Khrushchev he wanted Soviet nuclear weapons in Cuba to discourage additional U.S. aggression, precipitating the Cuban Missile Disaster in 1962. The ensuing confrontation over the missiles introduced the U.S. and the Soviet Union to the brink of nuclear struggle earlier than Kennedy and Khrushchev labored out a fragile compromise that averted a direct battle between the 2 superpowers.

60 years after the Cuban missile crisis, Russia's threats reignite Cold War fears

It was an excessive Chilly Conflict confrontation that got here near a nuclear disaster, Gamarra says. The long-term penalties, he says, resulted in “a misguided embargo that hasn’t modified the regime and as a substitute consolidated Cuba’s relationship with the Soviet Union and now Russia.”

The U.S. invasion of Grenada

By 1983, the southern Caribbean island of Grenada was present process a interval of political instability after the 1979 overthrow of Prime Minister Eric Gairy by Maurice Bishop, a socialist chief aligned with Cuba and the Soviet Union.

“Cuba was making inroads throughout the Caribbean,” Gamarra says.

President Ronald Reagan’s White Home was suspicious of Havana’s involvement within the building of a big worldwide airport in Grenada, which had solely gained independence from Britain in 1974.

In its first main fight deployment for the reason that finish of the Vietnam Conflict, U.S. forces landed on Oct. 25, 1983, as a part of Operation Pressing Fury. Reagan cited regional safety considerations and the necessity to shield U.S. medical college students attending the island’s St. George’s College College of Medication as justification for intervention.

U.S. soldiers arrest suspected Marxist activist in St George's, the capital of the Grenada Island, on Oct. 30, 1983, three days after American forces invaded the island, ousting the Marxist government.

U.S. troopers arrest suspected Marxist activist in St. George’s, the capital of the Grenada Island, on Oct. 30, 1983, three days after American forces invaded the island, ousting the Marxist authorities.

AFP/by way of Getty Pictures


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AFP/by way of Getty Pictures

Though U.S. forces encountered stronger resistance and extra logistical difficulties than anticipated, navy operations took just a few days. The U.S. helped set up a provisional authorities and elections had been held in 1984.

Since then, Grenada has skilled steady, democratic governance, with elections and peaceable transfers of energy. Right this moment, it’s typically thought to be extra politically steady than most of its Caribbean neighbors.

U.S. assist for the Nicaraguan Contras

After a long time of U.S. assist for the oppressive and corrupt Somoza household that dominated Nicaragua, Anastasio Somoza was overthrown in 1979 throughout a well-liked rebellion led by the Sandinista Nationwide Liberation Entrance (FSLN). Daniel Ortega, a dedicated Marxist on the time and outstanding FSLN chief, assumed management of the federal government.

President Reagan opposed the Sandinistas and in 1981 issued a covert directive for U.S. support to assist a bunch of anti-Sandinista insurgents generally known as the Contras.

In 1982, the U.S. Congress handed the Boland Modification to dam U.S. assist for the Contras. Regardless of these restrictions, the Reagan administration secretly continued aiding the group by means of a scheme that illegally bought weapons to Iran and funneled the proceeds to the Nicaraguan rebels. When the operation was uncovered, it turned one of the vital vital scandals of Reagan’s presidency: the Iran-Contra affair.

U.S. Marine Lt. Col. Oliver North, former aide to National Security Adviser John Poindexter, is sworn in on July 7, 1987 before the House and Senate Foreign Affairs Committee hearing in Washington, D.C.

U.S. Marine Lt. Col. Oliver North, former aide to Nationwide Safety Adviser John Poindexter, is sworn in on July 7, 1987, earlier than the Home and Senate International Affairs Committee listening to in Washington, D.C., on arms gross sales to Iran and diversion of earnings to Nicaraguan Contra rebels.

Chris Wilkins/AFP by way of Getty Pictures


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Chris Wilkins/AFP by way of Getty Pictures

“The Contra struggle was devastating — socially, economically, and politically,” says Murphy.

Regardless of efforts to topple him, Ortega remained in energy and gained a decisive electoral victory in 1984. He misplaced in 1990 to Violeta Chamorro, a rich, U.S.-educated newspaper proprietor who served as president till 1997.

“Ultimately, it was … mushy energy that led to the Sandinistas’ loss within the elections and the victory by Chamorro,” Gamarra notes.

Subsequently, Ortega’s political stance advanced away from Marxism, and he gained elections in 2006, 2011, 2016 and 2021. Right this moment Ortega is president of Nicaragua alongside together with his spouse, co-President Rosario Murillo.

Murphy says it is a totally different Ortega now — one which “appears extra like a Somoza authorities than a Sandinista authorities as a result of it is a household dictatorship.”

Ortega and Murillo, who Murphy calls “the facility behind the throne,” have “adopted nearly to the letter what Somoza was doing.”

The U.S. invasion of Panama

Though brutal and corrupt, Panama’s Gen. Manuel Noriega was helpful to the U.S. within the Eighties, because of the de facto chief’s cooperation with the CIA in offering a base of operations for the Contras in Nicaragua.

However Noriega’s drug trafficking, which included a relationship with infamous Colombian narcotrafficker Pablo Escobar, quickly remodeled him right into a web legal responsibility for the U.S. By 1986, mounting proof of his ties to drug cartels, extrajudicial killings and promoting of U.S. secrets and techniques to Jap European governments was a humiliation. In 1988, federal grand juries in Miami and Tampa indicted Noriega on racketeering, drug smuggling and cash laundering fees.

Panamian leader Gen. Manuel Antonio Noriega, right, fakes a punch to a supporter on May 2, 1989, at the laying of the foundation of a group home in the neighborhood of Panama City where boxer Roberto Duran was born.

Panamian chief Gen. Manuel Antonio Noriega, proper, fakes a punch to a supporter on Might 2, 1989, on the laying of the muse of a bunch house within the neighborhood of Panama Metropolis the place boxer Roberto Duran was born. Months later, Noriega could be pushed from energy by a U.S. invasion of Panama.

Manoocher Degahti/AFP by way of Getty Pictures


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Manoocher Degahti/AFP by way of Getty Pictures

The next yr, President George H.W. Bush took workplace. Bush was briefly CIA director within the Nineteen Seventies, when Noriega was thought-about a precious intelligence asset. However in 1989, Bush determined that Noriega wanted to go. The administration backed a failed coup try in October. However two months later, Bush launched Operation Simply Trigger, an invasion by 20,000 U.S. troops that in the end overthrew Noriega and took him into U.S. custody.

Since Noriega’s ouster, Panama has maintained a steady democracy with common, peaceable elections and vital financial development.

Gamarra says Panama is a uncommon instance of a profitable American intervention within the area. “We went in there, we removed Manuel Noriega,” he says.

“We had a transparent exit plan, which isn’t one thing the U.S. is superb at anyplace else,” Gamarra says, referring to the emphasis on capturing Noriega in a fast and restricted navy operation. Right this moment, he says, “no less than by way of its financial system, [Panama] continues to be terribly profitable.”

Nevertheless, Murphy is much less sanguine.

“I do not suppose the invasion is chargeable for something constructive that comes later,” he says, “apart from the truth that Noriega was not in energy.”

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