Think about this: U.S. President Donald Trump and Russian President Vladimir Putin stand on both facet of Chinese language President Xi Jinping atop Beijing’s Tiananmen Tower, watching a Chinese language navy parade. What would that picture evoke? Actually a political storm and a wave of harsh criticism from Western media directed at Trump. However it may also be a uncommon likelihood for diplomacy.
Sept. 3 marks the eightieth anniversary of China’s victory over Japan, following its give up to the Allies on Sept. 2, 1945, and the worldwide conquer fascism. The Chinese language authorities has already introduced a sequence of commemorative occasions, together with a navy parade. Japan’s Kyodo Information has claimed that China could invite Trump to attend the ceremony—which China has denied.
Think about this: U.S. President Donald Trump and Russian President Vladimir Putin stand on both facet of Chinese language President Xi Jinping atop Beijing’s Tiananmen Tower, watching a Chinese language navy parade. What would that picture evoke? Actually a political storm and a wave of harsh criticism from Western media directed at Trump. However it may also be a uncommon likelihood for diplomacy.
Sept. 3 marks the eightieth anniversary of China’s victory over Japan, following its give up to the Allies on Sept. 2, 1945, and the worldwide conquer fascism. The Chinese language authorities has already introduced a sequence of commemorative occasions, together with a navy parade. Japan’s Kyodo Information has claimed that China could invite Trump to attend the ceremony—which China has denied.
This can be only a wild rumor. However given the present state of U.S.-China relations and the evolving world order, getting each leaders in a room isn’t a foul thought. If I had been the Chinese language authorities, I might invite Trump. To protect him from home criticism for endorsing an authoritarian regime, the go to could possibly be framed as a proper state go to, with the commemoration included as a part of the itinerary.
However a U.S. presidential look on the occasion would have an necessary impression—recognizing and elevating China’s function within the international narrative of the wrestle in opposition to fascism.
As historians akin to Rana Mitter have famous, China’s standing because the principal Jap theater in World Warfare II has lengthy been downplayed or intentionally ignored in Western narratives. Of their telling, China’s eight years of resistance and its super sacrifices had been a marginal a part of the Allied victory—its contribution usually rated decrease than that of France, which surrendered early within the warfare. This narrative distorts the historic actuality, wherein roughly 20 million Chinese language troopers and civilians, and round 480,000 Japanese troopers, had been killed. China has lengthy tried to right the Western-dominated model of World Warfare II historical past however with restricted success.
Trump’s attendance on the anniversary would in itself symbolize recognition by one other main World Warfare II victor of the significance of the Chinese language theater and China’s core contribution. Whereas the elevation of China’s wartime legacy finally relies upon by itself efforts and talent to inform wartime tales, the participation of a U.S. president would function a type of worldwide acknowledgment, serving to to interrupt the Western-centric framing of the anti-fascist warfare.
On the geopolitical entrance, 2025 marks a brand new spherical of strategic probing. The Biden-era coverage of “competitors and engagement” has solidified into structural confrontation. Whereas Trump’s new administration stays powerful on China, his extremely private, transactional, and improvisational diplomatic fashion provides Beijing a possibility to exert casual affect over the path of U.S. coverage.
Nonetheless, if Trump’s go to is restricted to financial talks or a standard state go to, its symbolic worth shall be constrained. Anchoring the go to to the eightieth anniversary commemoration, in contrast, shifts the narrative from confrontation to shared themes of peace, historical past, and a joint anti-fascist victory—recalling the time when China and america had been allies in opposition to Japanese fascism.
Given Trump’s aptitude for bypassing establishments and staging dramatic moments, China might provide him a historic venue that he would discover onerous to refuse. His presence would turn out to be a type of symbolic detente in U.S.-China relations, slowing the tempo of structural battle and probably opening new channels for dialogue.
After all, the picture that may command probably the most consideration if Trump attends is the one of many Chinese language, Russian, and U.S. leaders standing collectively—a tableau that may eclipse all different diplomatic encounters. Western media would doubtless painting it because the emergence of a “new axis” or a Chinese language-brokered rapprochement between america and Russia.
Fairly than avoiding such interpretations, Beijing ought to proactively body the narrative. The message must be that the invitation to Trump is just not about forming a trilateral alliance however about demonstrating that China is able to concurrently partaking each Washington and Moscow and internet hosting them by itself diplomatic stage. Showing alongside Putin displays enduring historic ties; standing with Trump indicators China’s up to date affect. Beijing’s objective is to not reconstruct Chilly Warfare-style blocs however to undertaking itself as a coordinator of peace in a multipolar world.
Such a three-way look wouldn’t symbolize a navy pact or values-based coalition. Even when China had such intentions, they don’t seem to be possible. Fairly, this is able to be a symbolic convergence, mediated by historical past. If China conveys this clearly, each the West and the worldwide south is perhaps much less alarmed by the picture of the three leaders collectively.
Nonetheless, criticisms that Trump is being utilized by China are inevitable. In anticipation, Beijing ought to body the journey as a full-fledged state go to, with the anniversary occasion as just one a part of the broader agenda. It must also invite different Western leaders, the U.N. secretary-general, and leaders from Asian and African nations—together with Japan—to current the occasion as a world commemoration of peace. This is able to assist dilute the deal with a China-U.S.-Russia triangle and bolster China’s picture as a accountable and peaceable energy.
Trump had beforehand expressed curiosity in visiting China. In accordance with a latest Nikkei Asia report, U.S. officers are getting ready a go to for later this 12 months, with Trump probably main a delegation of dozens of CEOs. This means {that a} go to within the second half of 2025 is certainly doubtless. For Trump, a frontrunner who thrives on symbolic gestures, Beijing provides each the historic gravitas and ceremonial drama he craves. Framing the go to as a state journey with participation within the anniversary commemoration would profit not solely U.S.-China relations but additionally broader efforts for international peace.
In the long run, the true query is just not whether or not Trump is keen to return—however whether or not Beijing is keen to increase the invitation.
A number of elements might hinder such a go to. First, even whether it is formally designated as a state go to, the true spotlight—Trump’s attendance on the navy parade—shall be apparent. That alone would set off fierce criticism within the West, particularly in america, the place each Democrats and institution Republicans would accuse him of cozying as much as an authoritarian regime. Whether or not Trump might face up to that stress is very unsure—and Beijing tends to keep away from high-risk eventualities.
Second, if the invitation is prolonged below the label of a state go to, what concrete achievements can realistically outcome given the present bilateral local weather? If no significant agreements emerge, the diplomatic weight of the “state go to” label could possibly be squandered. But with out that label, Trump would possibly merely decline the invitation.
Third, Beijing should weigh how the worldwide south would react to the visible of the Chinese language, Russian, and U.S. leaders sharing the stage. Even when leaders from the worldwide south are additionally invited, the worldwide concentration is going to stay mounted on the superpowers. These different invitees could also be perceived as mere ornament. If Trump is granted particular honors past what’s afforded to different leaders, it might undercut Beijing’s insistence that it stands with the creating world—reinforcing suspicions that China, regardless of its rhetoric, prioritizes engagement with nice powers. This may occasionally weaken China’s affect amongst international south nations.
All these elements recommend that Beijing could finally resolve in opposition to inviting Trump. Even when it does, the immense political stress Trump would face at residence—accusations of kneeling earlier than authoritarian China—might deter him from accepting the invitation. That will be a disgrace: The shared legacy of the wrestle in opposition to fascism deserves higher.
