Demonstrators holding indicators in assist of minority voting rights stand outdoors the U.S. Supreme Courtroom in Washington, D.C., in March.
Jemal Countess/Getty Photographs for Authorized Protection Fund
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Jemal Countess/Getty Photographs for Authorized Protection Fund
A serious redistricting case returning to the U.S. Supreme Courtroom on Wednesday couldn’t solely decide the destiny of the federal Voting Rights Act, but in addition unlock a path for Republicans to select up a slew of extra congressional seats.
If the excessive court docket overturns the act’s Part 2 — a provision that bans racial discrimination in voting — GOP-controlled states may redraw not less than 19 extra voting districts for the Home of Representatives in favor of Republicans, in response to a latest report by the voting rights advocacy teams Black Voters Matter Fund and Honest Struggle Motion.

And relying on when the court docket guidelines within the case, generally known as Louisiana v. Callais, some variety of the seats could possibly be redistricted previous to subsequent yr’s midterm election.
The evaluation comes as President Trump continues to steer a GOP push for brand spanking new maps in Texas, Missouri, North Carolina and different states that might assist Republicans protect their slim Home majority after the 2026 election.
The GOP effort could possibly be bolstered by a Supreme Courtroom ruling that eliminates longstanding Part 2 protections towards the dilution of the collective energy of racial minority voters.
Most of the landmark regulation’s supporters worry such an end result after the conservative-majority court docket did not rule final time period on the Louisiana case, and as a substitute scheduled a uncommon second spherical of oral arguments, which is predicted to give attention to the constitutionality of Part 2’s redistricting necessities.


A ruling gutting Part 2 may have a cascading impact on congressional maps in largely Southern states the place Republicans both management each legislative chambers and the governor’s workplace or have a veto-proof majority within the legislature — and the place voting is racially polarized, with Black voters tending to vote Democratic and white voters tending to vote Republican.
If mapmakers in these states are now not required below Part 2 to attract districts the place racial minority voters have a practical alternative of electing their most well-liked candidate, Louisiana, Florida, Georgia, Missouri, North Carolina and Texas may find yourself with fewer Democratic representatives in Congress. Alabama, Mississippi, South Carolina and Tennessee may lose all of theirs, the report finds.
As a lot as 30% of the Congressional Black Caucus and 11% of the Congressional Hispanic Caucus is also misplaced.
All of it results in a chance of Republicans cementing one-party management of the Home for not less than a technology, says Cliff Albright, co-founder and govt director of Black Voters Matter Fund.
“A part of the purpose that we’re attempting to make with this report is that what occurs within the South does not simply keep within the South,” Albright provides. “This racial gerrymandering has the power to not simply disempower, disenfranchise Black voters and to eradicate Black elected officers and Latino elected officers. What occurs in these states impacts the whole nation.”
How the Supreme Courtroom overturning Part 2 may result in a redistricting “free-for-all”
Within the Louisiana case, a decrease court docket ordered the state’s Republican-controlled legislature to attract a brand new congressional map after a gaggle of Black voters sued below Part 2.
Part 2 “ensures all communities of shade can nonetheless take part equally within the voting course of and elect candidates who mirror their pursuits,” says Alanah Odoms, govt director of the American Civil Liberties Union of Louisiana, whose attorneys are serving to to characterize these Black voters. “And if communities of shade will not be in a position to do this, we stand to lose what I believe most of us imagine is so elementary to our democracy, which is equal participation, equal alternative.”

The court-ordered map, which was in impact for the 2024 election, led to Democrats selecting up a second seat in Louisiana.
A gaggle of self-described “non-African American” voters, led by Phillip Callais, has argued, nonetheless, that the race-based redistricting the court docket ordered to get according to Part 2 is unconstitutional. Simply because the Supreme Courtroom dominated towards race-based affirmative motion at faculties and universities in 2023, they argue, the court docket ought to put an finish to race-based political mapmaking below Part 2.
In in search of a rehearing within the Louisiana case, the Supreme Courtroom requested all sides within the case to contemplate whether or not the state’s “intentional creation of a second majority-minority congressional district violates the Fourteenth or Fifteenth Amendments to the U.S. Structure.”
In one in every of their newest briefs to the excessive court docket, Republican state officers in Louisiana now argue towards utilizing race “in any kind” when redistricting.
And in a significant shift from previous administrations, the Justice Division below Trump agrees that Part 2’s protections towards racial discrimination are now not constitutional.
Two years in the past, the Supreme Courtroom rejected the same argument by Alabama Republicans.
“The court docket may reaffirm the Voting Rights Act because it did in 2023 in Allen v. Milligan,” says Atiba Ellis, a professor and an affiliate dean at Case Western Reserve College’s regulation faculty. “However many observers — and I’m one in every of them — have been involved in regards to the court docket turning into increasingly cynical about race-conscious treatments to deal with longstanding civil rights wrongs. And this determination has the potential to be the tipping level the place the court docket declares unconstitutional or closely restricts the power for Congress to create treatments that promote multiracial democracy.”
That type of determination coming amid the continuing mid-decade congressional redistricting battle between Republicans and Democrats, Ellis provides, may set the stage for a real “free-for-all” — pointing additionally to the court docket’s 2019 ruling that partisan gerrymandering isn’t reviewable by federal courts.

“It’s one factor for politicians on either side of the aisle to make use of the facility that they’ve to have interaction in unprecedented energy grabs. However an important examine on these grabs has been the prevention of racial discrimination,” Ellis says about Part 2. “Absent the federal regulation that may stop that discrimination, I believe the results could possibly be super and could possibly be felt for many years.”
The window of time to move new congressional maps earlier than the midterms is closing as state deadlines draw nearer. Louisiana’s high election official, Secretary of State Nancy Landry, has requested the Supreme Courtroom to rule on this case by early January 2026 to keep away from disrupting the state’s present schedule.
However the timing stays unclear for the Supreme Courtroom, which normally releases choices for main circumstances towards the tip of its time period in June.
The court docket has confirmed that it plans to debate early subsequent month if it should take up a North Dakota case about whether or not non-public people and teams — whose lawsuits have been the principle approach of imposing Part 2 — can proceed to sue. Republican state officers in Mississippi have additionally raised that difficulty in one other redistricting case on direct attraction to the excessive court docket.
Edited by Benjamin Swasey